Measure |
Key Advantages |
Key Disadvantages |
Experience and Conclusions |
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§ § |
city to be used within the city Taxes on ownership unlikely to be possible on city specific basis as vehicles would be purchased and registered outside the city Public tolerance of very high levels of charge without apparent (public transport) gain may limit prices and thus have little effect on demand |
for public finances but do not target (by location, by time etc) the alleviation of urban traffic congestion; this plus public intolerance for very high levels of tax, indicate that the instruments are not likely to be effective in alleviating urban traffic congestion |
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Pricing – demand management through congestion charging including: § Cordon pricing § Area pricing |
§ § § § § § |
increases transport efficiency, reduces environmental impact of traffic and defers or obviates need for heavy investment in urban roads can be implemented in a short time scale can be designed to target traffic congestion at specific areas and specific times – variable prices enables highly efficient balance of demand with congestion to be achieved self financing and generates revenues for parallel public transport improvement and other city transport investments congestion charges have re-distributive effect as generally car-owning “rich” pay manual-paper based cordon charging has been shown to be effective and |
§ § |
political commitment and public acceptability not easy to obtain operational feasibility issues § congestion pricing requires a competent traffic and transport agency to plan, design, implement, enforce and moreover manage a scheme on a continuous basis; only “advanced” developing cities likely to be able to comply but the process may be contracted out although there is no experience § cordon pricing by manual means may not be feasible if there are large numbers of cordon road crossing points and/or no centralised, easily accessible vehicle registration records to trace offenders |
The main conclusions with respect to congestion pricing are as follows: § There are only some 6 urban road pricing schemes (there of course many tolled highways or bridges or tunnels) and of those, perhaps only Singapore has, as its primary aim, the restraint of road traffic. The experience from the limited number of schemes show congestion pricing is operationally feasible and effective in reducing congestion and limiting demand.. Important schemes, such as Trondheim, are aimed to raise funds for transport infrastructure development although at the same time seek to “use the system as a traffic regulation tool”. § Cordon pricing is most easily understood, and probably the most practical, scheme. Lack of a national, accurate, up-to-date, easily accessible vehicle registration system for tracing offenders may be a bar to automatic enforcement, (e.g. cameras and vehicle number plate recognition). Direct enforcement at the cordon may be needed but may not be feasible unless there is adequate road space (or adequate "toll plazas" road space can be constructed) for enforcement actions. § The emerging issue is whether cordon pricing should be manual, "paper based" or should be based on some form of electronic charging. Experience of the original Singapore Area License Scheme shows that a “paper based”, manually enforced cordon pricing scheme is feasible; simple technology is not a bar to congestion pricing in developing cities. Electronic pricing has been shown to be operational (in Singapore) and may become a viable technical alternative as costs of equipment reduce in real terms. Selection between manual or electronic systems must consider, inter alia, the following: § Manual cordon pricing may only be feasible where road network |
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