level of net revenue should permit significant improvements to the transport system. The potential for raising revenues should be particularly attractive to developing cities.
9.11.9. However, these advantages, beg the question as to why there are not more schemes in current use and none in developing cities, or for that matter, developed countries. The reasons are likely to be various and include- together with responses - the following:
a) Political opposition – charges on driving are unpopular with a vociferous section of society - (some) “car drivers”. In developed countries, this represents a high proportion of people but in developing countries, this represents a smaller but perhaps more influential section of society. While there is a clear economic case for congestion pricing as most car drivers in most cities do not pay realistic user costs, car drivers do not perceive this cost and transport planners and politicians have failed to explain the rationale and the system the benefits. Response: congestion pricing needs to be explained and "sold" to the public. The manner in which the case is presented should recognize that various transport users will perceive schemes very differently. There are at least four groups of motorized road users to which the case would need to be addressed:
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existing public transport users who do not have cars available - it is evident that this group would support a scheme provided it is comprehensive and includes public transport improvements; |
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existing public transport users who are close to acquiring a car - a scheme may persuade this group to defer their car purchase if the public transport improvements are significant; |
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"higher income" car users - these have an income and value their time sufficient to be persuaded that the benefits of reduced congestion justify their support (and payment of charges) for a scheme; and |
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"lower income" car users - this group who would find the congestion charge high enough to restrain their car journeys and it has to be accepted that this group would offer most opposition. It has been argued that a scheme which enables the "higher income" car driver to make improved journeys, albeit at increased cost, while restraining "lower income" car users is inequitable. However, in developing cities the overwhelming majority of people travel by public transport and it is these public transport travellers would gain most both travel time and benefits of investment in public transport from "high income" drivers' revenues; it is impossible to meet all user groups needs to the same extent and it has to be accepted that that "lower income" car users may be penalised; |
b) Legal problems – at least two legal issues have arisen in the consideration of schemes in developing cities, namely: (i) direct charging for road use is not always possible under a city's existing legislation and (ii) the legal and administrative framework may not be in place (or easily realised) for the tracing and fining of offenders. Response: firstly, it has to be accepted that congestion charging may require changes in traffic legislation; this is an added reason for a highly skilledprofessional agency to be created to deal with implementation. Secondly, it is essential that a congestion-charging scheme includes procedures for the identification-tracing-fining of offenders. If electronic charging coupled with "remote enforcement" (essentially, number plate recognition using cameras) is used for a congestion charging area or cordon, then a full, easily accessible national
vehicle registration ownership data base is required. It is probable that very few developing cities possess such a system and thus an immediate action scheme must be designed around a "paper based", manual enforcement procedure;
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